Lively Debate on the Oddsson Era

Gissurarson talking.

Professor Hannes H. Gissurarson, former government minister Ogmundur Jonasson of the Left-Green Party, and Dr Vilhjalmur Egilsson, presently President of Bifrost College and a former Member of Parliament, discussed the David Oddsson Era at a meeting of Politica, the association of politics students at the University of Iceland, Thursday 12 November. A large meeting hall at the University was full to the brink. Gissurarson pointed out that on the most common criteria in politics, Oddsson had been a successful politician: As Mayor of Reykjavik, he had increased the share of the Independence Party in each of the elections he fought, bringing it up to more than 60% in the 1990 municipal elections; Prime Minister from Spring 1991 to Autumn 2004, he had held office longer both totally and continuously than any other Icelandic politician. Indeed, 1991 was a turning point in the Icelandic economy. Government subsidies from several funds and agencies to loss-making enterprises were abolished, and the waiting room at the Prime Minister’s office consequently emptied; inflation fell, and monetary stability was introduced; a government deficit was turned into a surplus; government companies were privatised, and the revenue used to reduce, and almost to eliminate, public debt; pension funds were strengthened and made sustainable; laws were passed to increase the protection of individual rights; and the economy was opened upon and foreign trade facilitated when Iceland joined the European Economic Area. When Oddsson resigned in 2004 as Prime Minister, the great expansion of the banking sector had not really begun. In 2004, Iceland had been one of the best countries in the world to live in, prosperous and stable.

Professor Gissurarson also discussed common criticisms of the Oddsson Era. The Prime Minister had been faulted for supporting the 2003 Iraq War; but the support had only consisted in a declaration of support for an old ally after the decision, in which Iceland was not involved in any way. This was different from the acceptance by the left-wing government of 2009–2013, in which Ogmundur Jonasson served, of the NATO air raids on Libya; within NATO, Iceland had had a veto which it had not used in this case. In the second place, the privatisation of the banks for which Oddsson was sometimes criticized had begun in 1990 when one of the three commercial banks owned by government had been sold by the left-wing government of the time. The two sales of the Oddsson government had been scrutinised by the Icelandic National Audit Office which had delivered thorough reports on them and not found anything significantly wrong with them. Professor Gissurarson’s talk formed a part of the joint project of RNH and AECR, Alliance of European Conservatives and Reformists, on “Europe, Iceland and the Future of Capitalism”.

Jonasson talking.

Ogmundur Jonasson said that he belonged to the same generation as David Oddsson. When they had become politically active in the early 1970s, the left wing had been spirited and full of ideas whereas the right wing had been intellectually sterile. This had changed with the arrival of Oddsson and his supporters who had been inspired politically by Reagan and Thatcher and intellectually by Hayek, Friedman and Buchanan; suddenly the right wing had become full of ideas, while the left wing stagnated. However, Oddsson and his group had broken with the consensus of the previous few decades—the golden age of the mixed economy; they had been indifferent to, or even welcomed, increased inequality of wealth and income and they had also advocated a more materialistic way of thinking; “greed was good.” Dr Egilsson recalled the 1980s when a spiral of wage increases and inflation had run out of control while the over-regulated economy had offered few opportunities to enterprising individuals. It had been necessary in the early 2000s to privatise the two government banks because they had not been able to compete with the bank which had been privatised already in 1990. There was no doubt, Egilsson argued, that most enterprises were better run by individuals seeking profit than by government officials. Egilsson added that as a Member of Parliament he had found it easy to work with Oddsson. He had not engaged in any micro-management, but he had been swift and resolute in decision-making and true to his own words.

In the discussion following the three talks, former government minister Gudni Agustsson, who had led the Progressive Party in a coalition government with Oddsson’s Independence Party, asked for the floor. He said that he and Oddsson had become good friends over the years, even if they had initially had a lot of disagreements. He could not understand however why Oddsson abandoned his earlier policies of a bilateral agreement between Iceland and the European Union (like Switzerland has) instead of membership in the European Economic Area, and of a wide dispersion of ownership of shares in the privatised banks. Agustsson added that Oddsson had as governor of the Central Bank of Iceland saved the country from catastrophe. He had been the author of the plan to ring-fence Iceland which everybody supported now as the only feasible plan out of the quagmire which the banking crisis had been for Iceland. Dr Egilsson commented that in his opinion Oddsson had performed well as a governor of the Central Bank. He could not understand why it had been a priority of the left-wing government taking power in 2009 to drive him out of the Bank.

The meeting was taped, and thousands of people have watched it on Youtube:

Gissurarson Slides 12 November 2015

 

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The Oddsson Era

Three talks are scheduled at a meeting of Politica, the Association of Politics Students at the University of Iceland, Thursday 12 November 2015 at 19.30 in Room O-101 in Oddi, the Social Sciences House, on “The Oddsson Era”: Mayor of Reykjavik in 1982–1991 and Prime Minister of Iceland in 1991–2004, David Oddsson was a dominant and powerful politician. The speakers are Professor Hannes H. Gissurarson who edited a festschrift on Oddsson’s sixtieth birthday in 2008, Dr Vilhjalmur Egilsson, President of Bifrost College and a Member of Parliament 1991–2003, and Ogmundur Jonasson, a Member of Parliament since 1995 and a government minister for the Left Greens in 2009–2013. Professor Gissurarson writes in his blog: “Much can be said about Oddsson’s Era, even if he was of course not the only person on stage. But it is interesting that Oddsson increased the support of the Independence Party in the three municipal elections which he fought in 1982, 1986 and 1990, irrespective of whether the Indepencence Party was in government or not. It is no less interesting that Oddsson has served longer than anyone else as Icelandic Prime Minister, both totally and continuously.”

Professor Gissurarson’s participation in the meeting forms a part of the joint project with AECR, the Alliance of European Conservatives and Reformists, on “Europe, Iceland and the Future of Capitalism”. Margaret Thatcher, British Prime Minister in 1979–1990, seen here with David Oddsson in 1991, was the protector of AECR.

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Creative Joy instead of Parasitical Existence

In a lecture Thursday 5 November 2015, at 16.30 in Oddi House, Room O-101, Professor Hannes H. Gissurarson analyses and criticises the moral defence of capitalism provided by Ayn Rand, the most influential female philosopher ever. Admission is free and all are welcome. Rand’s books have sold in around 30 million copies. Three novels by her, Atlas Shrugged, The Fountainhead and We the Living, have been published in Icelandic translations. The lecture is co-sponsored by the Institute of Public Administration and Politics at the University of Iceland. It also forms a part of the joint project of RNH with AECR, the Alliance of European Conservatives and Reformists, on “Europe, Iceland and the Future of Capitalism”. Sjofn Vilhelmsdottir chairs the meeting.

Professor Gissurarson poses many questions, including these: What is the difference between self-love and avarice? Is Rand’s contrast between creators and parasites well-founded? Which Icelandic entrepreneurs and businessmen correspond most closely to Rand’s description of creators and innovators? Does love always need to be deserved, as Rand asserts? Is there no such thing as social responsibility? What is the difference between the case for capitalism made by Rand on the one hand and by economists Friedrich A. Hayek and Milton Friedman on the other hand? In the lecture, short episodes are shown from a docudrama on Rand (who is played by Helen Mirren) and from the film version of The Fountainhead (with Gary Cooper giving a Randian speech).

Gissurarson Slides on Ayn Rand

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Arnason and Gissurarson Lecturing at Conference

Professors Ragnar Arnason and Hannes H. Gissurarson, both members of the RNH Academic Council, read papers at the annual conference on new research in the social sciences, “The Mirror of the Nation,” organised by the Social Science Research Institute at the University of Iceland Friday 30 October 2015. Their papers are given at the same time, 11–12.45, in two seminars, Arnason’s paper in Room 207 in the University Main Building, Gissurarson’s paper in Room 102 in Logberg, the Law Faculty House.

Arnason’s paper is titled “An efficient and sustainable debt situation”. The abstract is as follows: Iceland’s foreign debt situation is problematic. Probably total debt is far beyond what is most efficient from a macroeconomic point of view. However, it cannot be reduced without a corresponding reduction of GDP available for consumption and investment. Lesser consumption implies lower living standards. Lesser investment implies less capacity to produce goods and thus to maintain future living standards. Lower living standards however encourage people to leave, especially people with marketable skills. Thus the nation’s human capital will be eroded which, in turn, will lessen its capacity to continue to reduce debt and to maintain adequate living standards. Obviously, it is therefore important to find out how much foreign debt is sustainable in the sense that it does not bring about an economic crisis. This is what this paper is about. Economic analysis is used to elucidate the most important factors of the situation and their connection. The optimal and the sustainable foreign debt situations are deduced, while the most efficient debt reduction process is described and a criterion offered for that debt reduction which would be required for transforming an unsustainable situation into a sustainable one.

Gissurarson’s paper is titled “Proposals to Sell, Annex or Evacuate Iceland, 1518–1868”. The abstract is as follows: Iceland, a remote country with a harsh climate, and a Norwegian-Danish dependency since 1262, was not much coveted by European powers, despite her fertile fishing grounds, technologically accessible since the early 15th Century. In 1518 and 1524, Danish King Christian I unsuccessfully tried to pledge Iceland against a loan from English King Henry VIII. In 1535, King Christian III also tried to do this, but again Henry VIII turned down the request. In 1645, King Christian IV tried to pledge Iceland against a loan from Hanseatic merchants, but yet again, there was not sufficient interest. Indeed, so harsh seemed Iceland’s climate that in 1784–5, after a massive volcanic eruption and an earthquake, it was seriously contemplated in Copenhagen to evacuate the Icelandic population to other parts of the Danish realm. However, during the Napoleonic Wars the British government briefly considered annexing Iceland. Sir Joseph Banks, who had toured Iceland, wrote three reports, in 1801, 1807 and 1813, recommending this. Ultimately, the British government decided against it: Iceland was not sufficiently attractive. In 1868, a report was written at the initiative of the U.S. Secretary of State William H. Seward on a possible purchase of Iceland, but the idea was so ill-received that Secretary Seward made no further move. The conclusion is that Iceland was a marginal society until it became, in the 20th century, strategically important, enjoying the military and political protection of the U.S. from 1941 to 2006. After that, Iceland became marginal again and thus expendable.

The lectures by Professors Arnason and Gissurarson form a part of the joint project of RNH and AECR, the Alliance of European Conservatives and Reformists, on “Europe, Iceland and the Future of Capitalism”.

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Pardo: In Cuba, no dissent tolerated

Pardo giving his talk.

At a meeting organised by the Icelandic Pen Club and the Reykjavik Municipal Libary Saturday 10 October the poet and blogger Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo gave a talk on human rights violations in Cuba. Writer Sjon was in the chair. After persecution by Castro’s secret police, Pardo decided to move to the United States. In his lecture, he expressed surprise at the belief that by criticizing oppression in Cuba he had somehow become a U.S. Republican. It was an indisputable fact that the Cuban regime was one of censorship and suppression of all dissent, all divergence. Writers who dared criticize the rulers or even just to discuss matters not supposed to be on the agenda were monitored, threatened, imprisoned, often tortured and sometimes executed. Pardo said that he regarded himself as a leftist, but Westerners should not close their eyes to the oppression on this tropical, distant island.

Pardo showed a slide which compared the arrangements of the Icelandic parliament where the seats of different parties were shown in different colours and of the Cuban National Assembly where all representatives belonged to one party and where hence all the seats were of the same colour. Pardo presented many slides with photographs of persecuted Cuban intellectuals, including Carlos Franqui who had been removed from photographs after he turned against communism. Pardo also showed clips from Castro’s speeches including the notorious one on 13 March 1963 where he attacked tight jeans worn by some Cuban youth as being “feminine”.  In his talk, Pardo described the mass migration out of Cuba. Many Cubans had voted with their feet or with their oars, by fleeing or moving from Cuba. In Pardo’s judgement, Raúl Casto who had replaced his brother Fidel as dictator, had not significantly liberalised the country. It was most likely that Raúl’s son would succeed him, making Cuba a hereditary state like North Korea.

The meeting was well-attended, but little mention was made of the past fervour by which many Icelanders supported the Castro régime. Magnus Kjartansson, editor of Socialist newspaper Thjodviljinn, had travelled to Cuba in 1962, had had discussions with Che Guevara and had listened to some of Castro’s marathon speeches.  The people he met included Carlos Franqui, mentioned in Pardo’s lecture. In Iceland, Kjartansson published a travelogue praising Castro. Some Icelanders, including Silja Adalsteinsdottir, for a while also an editor of Thjodviljinn, and Pall Halldorsson, militant leader of the public employees’ association, had also been volunteers harvesting sugar for Castro. The last action of the People’s Alliance, dissolved in 1998, was to send a delegation to Cuba on the invitation of the Cuban Communist Party. The delegates included Margret Frimannsdottir, last Chairman of the People’s Alliance, and Svavar Gestsson, the East Germany-trained Chairman of the People’s Alliance in 1980–1987. The delegation asked for a meeting — or rather an audience — with Castro who however did not bother to meet them. The support of RNH for this meeting forms a part of the joint project with AECR, Alliance of European Conservatives and Reformists, on “Europe of the Victims: Remembering Communism”.

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Gissurarson in Sofia: Liberty in Iceland, 930–2015

Sofia city centre.

At a regional meeting of the ESFL, European Students for Liberty in Sofia, Bulgaria, Saturday 17 October, Professor Hannes H. Gissurarson gives a lecture on “Liberty in Iceland, 930–2015”. He takes the position that the laws of economics must be valid everywhere, also in small societies like Iceland, if they are to be considered laws of economics. Economic analysis can for example explain how and why private enforcement of law, as practised in the 930–1262 Icelandic Commonwealth, worked reasonably well. Ancient Icelanders also developed an effective system of utililising mountain pastures, each of them held in common by a rural community, and thus they escaped the “tragedy of the commons”. Professor Gissurarson also discusses the question why for centuries Icelanders starved while living close to fertile fishing grounds, and finds the answer in the alliance of the foreign king and the small class of local landowners who basically outlawed fisheries as an independent profession. This alliance was finally broken in the 1784–5 Mist Famine. Professor Gissurarson analyses the Icelandic system of individual transferable quotas developed in the fisheries. As a result, these fisheries are both sustainable and profitable: Icelanders have yet again escaped the “tragedy of the commons”.

Professor Gissurarson contrasts the 1991–2004 market capitalism in Iceland to the 2004–8 crony capitalism when a small group of powerful oligarchs used the good credit Iceland enjoyed as a result of sound policies pursued in the previous decade for massive accumulation of foreign debt. Professor Gissurarson maintains, however, that the credit expansion was not the real cause of the 2008 Icelandic bank collapse. The real cause was the refusal of the U.S. Fed to provide liquidity to the Icelandic banks, by dollar swap deals, at the same time as it did so to almost all other banks in Europe. At the same time, the U.K. government closed British banks owned by Icelanders while presenting an immense rescue package for all other British banks, and moreover invoked an anti-terrorist law against Icelandic banks and institutions. Professor Gissurarson argues that the reason Iceland has risen so quickly again is that it was never bankrupt, as British Prime Minister Gordon Brown wrongly asserted during the crisis. The Icelandic economy was, and is, soundly built on four pillars, profitable fisheries, ample energy resources, a booming tourist industry and much accumulated human capital. Professor Gissurarson’s lecture forms a part of the joint RNH-AECR project on “Europe, Iceland and the Future of Capitalism”.

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